Thursday, January 17, 2008


Religious conflicts stir up court session



By Magdy Samaan

First Published: January 16, 2008



CAIRO: The court session of a convert filing a lawsuit against the Ministry of Interior for refusing to change his religion from Islam to Christianity on his national ID card, turned chaotic when 20 lawyers threatened and insulted the plaintiff’s lawyers Rawda Ahmad Saeed and Adel Rafie.
The police interfered to protect the plaintiff Mohamed Hegazy’s lawyers, who left the session before it came to an end. Hegazy was not present at the session and remains in hiding due to threats by some Muslim clerics who issued fatwas calling for his death.
“We escaped before they beat us,” said Saeed, who is also a member in the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (HRInfo).
Gamal Eid, also one of Hegazy’s lawyers, told Daily News Egypt that they would file a complaint against those lawyers at the public prosecutor’s office and the Lawyers’ Syndicate.
Eid revealed that Hegazy’s lawyers will ask the court to temporarily drop charges against the ministry due to the fact that some legal procedures were not followed by the case’s former lawyer Mamdouh Nakhla, who withdrew from the case.
Hegazy should have first made an official request at the civil registry to change his religious affiliation on the ID card. Should the registry refuse, he would then file a complaint at the police station, and obtain a certificate from the church stating that he has converted to Christianity.
Eid said that there have never been prior cases where the Interior Ministry has succumbed to such requests, “but we have to follow the legal procedures before filing a case.”
The case was postponed for the second time to Jan. 22 after the Administrative Court at the State Council adjourned it to Jan. 15 last November.
Another case scheduled in the same session was filed by lawyer Wahid Abdallah in solidarity with 20 lawyers against the Prime Minister, Interior Minister and Al-Azhar’s Grand Imam demanding punishment for apostasy which, they believe is stipulated by Sharia.
They base their case on Article 2 of the Egyptian constitution, which states that the principles of Islamic Sharia are the main source of legislation.
Islamist lawyers accused Al-Azhar’s Grand Imam as well as the government of not taking action against baptizing Muslims by the church.
Naguib Gobrail, head of the Egyptian Union of Human Rights Organization (EUHR) who joined the case against the 20 lawyers said “I won’t join Hegazy but I will join the government to defend the rights of people to [choose their faith] without being threatened. That is what the Egyptian constitution guarantees along with the international agreements that Egypt has signed.”

Violence against Copts

Seminar blames sectarian violence on political Islam
By Magdy Samaam
First Published: January 16, 2008

CAIRO: The spread of political Islam is responsible for the rising violence against Copts, according to Coptic activists and government members attending a seminar titled “How to stop violence against Copts.”
The seminar was held last Sunday as part of an ongoing program of events by the Middle East Liberties Forum, an organization established in December 2007 by Egyptian-American and Coptic researcher Magdy Khalil. The seminar drew a wide audience of Coptic figures, including activists and secularists.
Members joined in asking for new legislation to ensure the punishment of religious discrimination between Egyptian citizens.
Some members, however, were optimistic about the growing awareness of sectarian strife, and noted the unified stance of Egyptians during the workers’ strikes.
They were also optimistic about intellectuals’ condemnation of the Muslim Brotherhood’s anti-Coptic stance in their recently publicized political program.
The audience evoked Pope Shenouda’s previous comments about how Egypt has been and always will be a unified entity.
Attendees also noted comments made by famed journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal that Egypt’s main priorities are the preservation of the sources of the Nile and a united patriotism.
Khalil revealed results from the Ibn Khaldun Center about sectarian incidents, showing that almost 240 incidents against Copts occurred since the Al-Khanka events of 1972. In his personal study on the subject, Khalil claims to have recorded 4,000 victims and millions of pounds in damage to property.
He added that common issues triggering conflicts include the bias of security forces and the absence of justice. He claimed that no Muslim was ever sentenced to death because he killed a Copt, and that no Muslim was ever punished for any crime committed against a Copt. This lack of punishment is, in his opinion, an encouragement for extremists to commit more crimes against Copts.
Khalil blamed the Muslim majority for sectarian tension and said, “The majority is responsible for helping the minority. However, reality shows that the majority has been creating the tension, and that the minority resisted and faced violence with forgiveness.”
Khalil refused the principle of forgiveness regarding civil rights, saying it was negligence. He pointed out the fact that there were various organizations providing the Coptic community with its rights through a campaign for Egyptians’ rights regardless of religious affiliation.
He claimed that the country’s aim is to win the Copts’ support at any price, without giving them any support in return.
Khalil and Mohamed Fayek, former minister and member of the National Council for Human Rights, agreed that the most important duty with regard to stopping violence against Copts lies in the hands of the Muslim majority, saying that Egyptian society had become characterized by violence.
“We have to admit that the Copts are facing discrimination in practicing their religion and in the law,” he said.
He added that there was a group working to draft a law criminalizing religion-based discrimination.
Fayek talked about both foreign and domestic causes for the violence against Copts. Among the domestic reasons was a lack of good religious understanding by both Muslims and Christians. Foreign causes lie in the United States’ policies in the Arab region and their “war on terror.”
Fayek also focused on the issue of religious freedom, and criticized the courts’ handling of divorce cases — especially those in which a man changes his religion to divorce his wife — confirming that Islam is not the root cause of such misunderstandings, as it teaches freedom of faith.
Mounir Megahed, founder of the Egyptian Action Against Discrimination, explained that former president Anwar Sadat’s approval of Islamic political groups in the 70s was the reason behind increased sectarian strife.
He said that an initiative enabling Egyptians to overcome sectarian differences could be achieved, pointing out that Egyptians overcame religious differences during the workers’ strikes, focusing on matters of common interest and establishing hope of a patriotic union.
Writer and journalist Saad Hagrass was optimistic about the fact that there is a growing awareness among Egyptians of issues of equality and citizens' rights. He noted the so-called “intellectuals revolution” against the Muslim Brotherhood’s programs that discriminated against the Copts. Even members of the Muslim Brotherhood themselves had, as a result, taken a step back and tried to assume some responsibility on the subject, he said. Seminar blames sectarian violence on political IslamBy Magdy SamaamFirst Published: January 16, 2008

CAIRO: The spread of political Islam is responsible for the rising violence against Copts, according to Coptic activists and government members attending a seminar titled “How to stop violence against Copts.”
The seminar was held last Sunday as part of an ongoing program of events by the Middle East Liberties Forum, an organization established in December 2007 by Egyptian-American and Coptic researcher Magdy Khalil. The seminar drew a wide audience of Coptic figures, including activists and secularists.
Members joined in asking for new legislation to ensure the punishment of religious discrimination between Egyptian citizens.
Some members, however, were optimistic about the growing awareness of sectarian strife, and noted the unified stance of Egyptians during the workers’ strikes.
They were also optimistic about intellectuals’ condemnation of the Muslim Brotherhood’s anti-Coptic stance in their recently publicized political program.
The audience evoked Pope Shenouda’s previous comments about how Egypt has been and always will be a unified entity.
Attendees also noted comments made by famed journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal that Egypt’s main priorities are the preservation of the sources of the Nile and a united patriotism.
Khalil revealed results from the Ibn Khaldun Center about sectarian incidents, showing that almost 240 incidents against Copts occurred since the Al-Khanka events of 1972. In his personal study on the subject, Khalil claims to have recorded 4,000 victims and millions of pounds in damage to property.
He added that common issues triggering conflicts include the bias of security forces and the absence of justice. He claimed that no Muslim was ever sentenced to death because he killed a Copt, and that no Muslim was ever punished for any crime committed against a Copt. This lack of punishment is, in his opinion, an encouragement for extremists to commit more crimes against Copts.
Khalil blamed the Muslim majority for sectarian tension and said, “The majority is responsible for helping the minority. However, reality shows that the majority has been creating the tension, and that the minority resisted and faced violence with forgiveness.”
Khalil refused the principle of forgiveness regarding civil rights, saying it was negligence. He pointed out the fact that there were various organizations providing the Coptic community with its rights through a campaign for Egyptians’ rights regardless of religious affiliation.
He claimed that the country’s aim is to win the Copts’ support at any price, without giving them any support in return.
Khalil and Mohamed Fayek, former minister and member of the National Council for Human Rights, agreed that the most important duty with regard to stopping violence against Copts lies in the hands of the Muslim majority, saying that Egyptian society had become characterized by violence.
“We have to admit that the Copts are facing discrimination in practicing their religion and in the law,” he said.
He added that there was a group working to draft a law criminalizing religion-based discrimination.
Fayek talked about both foreign and domestic causes for the violence against Copts. Among the domestic reasons was a lack of good religious understanding by both Muslims and Christians. Foreign causes lie in the United States’ policies in the Arab region and their “war on terror.”
Fayek also focused on the issue of religious freedom, and criticized the courts’ handling of divorce cases — especially those in which a man changes his religion to divorce his wife — confirming that Islam is not the root cause of such misunderstandings, as it teaches freedom of faith.
Mounir Megahed, founder of the Egyptian Action Against Discrimination, explained that former president Anwar Sadat’s approval of Islamic political groups in the 70s was the reason behind increased sectarian strife.
He said that an initiative enabling Egyptians to overcome sectarian differences could be achieved, pointing out that Egyptians overcame religious differences during the workers’ strikes, focusing on matters of common interest and establishing hope of a patriotic union.
Writer and journalist Saad Hagrass was optimistic about the fact that there is a growing awareness among Egyptians of issues of equality and citizens' rights. He noted the so-called “intellectuals revolution” against the Muslim Brotherhood’s programs that discriminated against the Copts. Even members of the Muslim Brotherhood themselves had, as a result, taken a step back and tried to assume some responsibility on the subject, he said.

ندوة: الدولة و الإسلام السياسي مسؤولين عن زيادة العنف ضد الأقباط.



كتب- مجدي سمعان:

حمل ناشطون حقوقيون و أقباط الحكومة و تزايد ظاهرة الإسلام السياسي مسؤولية تزايد ظاهرة العنف ضد الأقباط، و طالبوا بثن تشريع يجرم التميز بين المواطنين المصريين على أساس الدين. في حين أبدى البعض تفاؤله بزيادة الوعي لدى بتجاوز الانقسام الطائفي و دللوا على ذلك بالتوحد على المطالب الفئوية خلال الاحتجاجات العمالية و رفض المثقفين المصريين للتميز ضد الأقباط الوارد في برنامج الإخوان المسلمين.
جاء ذلك خلال ندوة بعنوان "كيف نوقف العنف ضد الأقباط" أقيمت الأحد الماضي بمنتدى الشرق الأوسط للحريات الذي أسسه الشهر الماضي الباحث القبطي مجدي خليل العائد من الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية و شهدت الندوة حضورا كبيرا من النشطاء الأقباط و العلمانيين في مصر.

و استدعى بعض الحضور مقولة البابا شنودة أن هذا البلد لا يمكن أن يتفكك لأن وحدته أحد أسرار هذا البلد الخالدة. و مقولة الكاتب الكبير محمد حسنين هيكل بأنه يجب أن يكون على رأس أولويات الدولة المصرية حماية منابع نهر النيل و الوحدة الوطنية.

كشف خليل مدير أنه طبقا لمركز ابن خلدون فإن عدد الأحداث الطائفية ضد الأقباط بلغت 240 حادثا منذ حادث الخانكة في عام 1972.
و قال أنه أجرى هو شخصيا دراسة قدر فيها ضحايا هذه الأحداث من الأقباط بنحو 4000 قبطي بخلاف ملايين الجنيهات خسائر في الممتلكات.

و لفت إلى أنه هناك قاسم مشترك في كل الأحداث الطائفية و هي التحيز و التواطؤ الأمني و غياب العدالة فلم يحدث أن أعدم مسلما قتل قبطيا، و نجا معظم مرتكبي الحوادث من أي نوع من العقوبة، و هو تشجيعا ضمنيا من الدولة للمتعصبين لارتكاب مزيد من الجرائم ضد الأقباط.

و حمل خليل الأغلبية المسلمة مسؤولية التوتر الطائفي، و قال "عادة تكون الأغلبية هي المسؤولة على احتواء الأقلية، لكن الواقع يشير إلى أن الأغلبية صنعت التوتر و الأقلية حافظت على التماسك و واجهت العنف بالتسامح"
و رفض خليل مبدأ التسامح في الحقوق فيما يتعلق بحقوق الجماعات و اعتبره نوع من التفريط. مشيرا إلى أن هناك آليات و أساليب سلمية لحصول الأقباط على حقوقهم، من خلال حركة مدنية تدعم حقوق المصريين جميعا بغض النظر عن انتماءاتهم الدينية.
و أكد أن ما الدولة تريد أن تستقطب الأقباط بلا ثمن، تريد تأييدهم دون أن تعطي لهم مقابل.



و اتفق الدكتور محمد فائق الوزير السابق و عضو المجلس القومي لحقوق الإنسان مع خليل على أن الواجب الأكبر على إيقاف العنف ضد الأقباط يقع على الأغلبية المسلمة. مشيرا إلى أن العنف أصبح ظاهرة في المجتمع المصري.
و قال "لابد أن نعترف أن هناك مشاكل يعاني منها الأقباط تصل إلى حد التميز، عن طريق الممارسة و التميز عن طريق القانون"
و كشف عن أن هناك مجموعة تعمل على صياغة مشروع قانون يجرم التميز.
و أكد أن هناك أسباب خارجية و أسباب داخلية تقف وراء العنف ضد الأقباط منها عدم الفهم الصحيح للدين سواء في الجانب المسيحي أو الإسلامي، و أسباب خارجية متعلق بالسياسة الأمريكية في المنطقة العربية و الحرب على الإرهاب..
و ركز فائق على قضية الحريات الدينية، و انتقد ما يحدث من أحكام قضائية تطلق الرجل من زوجته إذا غير دينه، مؤكدا أن الإسلام برئ من كل هذا الفهم الخاطئ حيث يكفل الإسلام حرية العقيدة.
و أرجع الدكتور منير مجاهد مؤسس حركة مصريون ضد التميز سبب العنف ضد الأقباط إلى إطلاق الرئيس السادات لجماعات الإسلام السياسي في السبعينيات، و هو ما أدى إلى تزايد التميز الديني و الفرز الطائفي. و أصبح هناك نوع من الاحتقان الطائفي يجعل أي مشكلة صغيرة يمكن أن تتحول إلى اعتداءات شاملة على ممتلكات الأقباط، و ما يشجع على تكرار تلك الحوادث هو أن الأمور تنتهي لعقد جلسات الصلح العرفي المخالفة للقانون.

و لفت إلى أنه يبدو أن هناك بادرة لتجاوز المصريين الفروق الطائفية تمثلت في تجاوزهم للفروق الدينية في الإضرابات العمالية التي ميزت العاميين الماضيين و تركيزهم على المصالح المشتركة، الأمر الذي يمكن أن يؤدي إلى رأب الصدع و عودة الاندماج الوطني.

و بينما أبدى الكاتب الصحفي سعد هجرس تفاؤله في أن هناك وعي متزايد لدى المصريين بالمساواة و حقوق المواطنة دلل على ذلك بما أسماه ثورة المثقفين على برنامج الإخوان الذي كان فيه تميزا ضد الأقباط لدرجة جعلت الإخوان يتراجعوا و يحاولوا أن يلقوا بالمسؤلية على بعضهم البعض

Monday, January 14, 2008


Investigations launched into monastery attacks in Abo Fana



By Magdy Samaan

First Published: January 13, 2008


CAIRO: The general prosecutor is investigating an attack on Abo Fana Monastery in Malawi city, allegedly committed by a group of more than 20 armed Muslims who destroyed eight hermitages and injured a monk, Father Mina told Daily News Egypt. Malawi city is in El Minya, 300 km south of Cairo.
“They attacked us with machine guns, tractors and cars. Eight hermitages were destroyed, bibles and crosses were burnt,” he added.
The monks have not filed a complaint.
“It is not the first time we are attacked,” Father Mina said, adding that on Jan. 1, a man had opened fire on them. “We filed a complaint at the police station but they didn’t start an investigation.”
He pointed out that the man who led the attack used to violate and humiliate them, and the monastery used to complain but the police allegedly ignored their complaints.
Father Mina added that the same man forced the monastery to pay LE 10,000 two years ago.
“They claim they own the land and want us out of here. But we have been living here for a long time,” Bishop Demetrious of Malawi and Ansina told Daily News Egypt.
He explained that 12 of Abo Fana’s monks chose to be hermits – they live in separate hermitages as far as one kilometer from the monastery, which was founded in the fourth century. Bishop Demetrious said that the church pleaded with the government to build a fence around those hermitages.
“The Monks who were attacked not only isolated themselves from the outside world and [dedicated themselves] to the monastery in the desert but also left the monastery and went to live alone,” Father Mina said.
Former MP Gamil Sevene, head of the Association of Coptic Youth Cooperatives, was quoted in the local press as saying that this was not a sectarian incident but a land dispute

فيلم يوسف شاهين الجديد يتخطى حاجز ألايرادات القياسية نسبة لأفلامه السابقة
25/12/2007

القاهرة - أ. ف. ب - حقق فيلم "هي فوضى" ليوسف شاهين وخالد يوسف ايرادات تقترب من 10 ملايين جنيه (مليونا دولار تقريبا) وذلك للمرة الاولى في تاريخ افلام شاهين الذي يقدره الشارع المصري الا انه لا يتفاعل مع افلامه.كما اثار الفيلم الذي يتعرض للفساد المستشري في اجهزة الدولة العديد من الحوارات في المجتمع المصري بين مؤيد له في اوساط المثقفين ومن يوجه الاتهام الى صانعي الفيلم باثارة البلبة الاجتماعية.ويصور الفيلم امين شرطة (ضابط صف) والدور الفاسد والقمعي الذي يقوم به في الفيلم والذي اداه باقتدار الفنان خالد صالح احد اكثر الوجوه الواعدة في السينما المصرية الان. ويقول الناقد طارق الشناوي ان الفيلم "لا يمت الى عالم شاهين بصلة من حيث ثراء السينما في كادرات المشاهد ومن حيث الصورة والمؤثرات الصوتية والاضاءة". ويشير الى "ظهور اسلوب خالد يوسف في الفيلم كرؤية اخراجية تستند بشكل صريح الى بطولة الحوار الذي قد يصل احيانا الى درجة الفظاظة من حيث القول والمشاعر والاحساسيس التي يقوم بتقديمها طوال عرض الفيلم". من جهته، رأى الكاتب عزت قمحاوي ان "الفيلم يبدو مركبا من فيلمين ويختلف نصفه الاول عن الثاني في ذكاء اللقطة ورهافتها وفي الايقاع والبناء الدرامي والجمالي للمشاهد المتعاقبة". واختلفت الرؤية السياسية تجاه الفيلم، فقال احد المشاهدين احمد كمال لفرانس برس ان "الفيلم يصور حقيقة ما يظهر في المجتمع حيث يقوم امناء الشرطة بما هو افظع مما شاهدت على الشاشة من تعذيب للمواطنين واجبارهم على دفع الرشوة وعدم شرعية اعتقال العديد من المواطنين الذين يعترضون على هذه المسلكيات". في حين اعترض رئيس تحرير يومية "روز اليوسف" الحكومية عبدالله كمال على هذه الرؤية حيث ان الفيلم بحسب رأيه يشكل "دعوة للحل عبر الفوضى وخلاصته اقتحام قسم الشرطة من دون الاهتمام بسلطته القانونية". وهذا ما رفضه خالد يوسف في تصريح لفرانس برس قائلا "الفيلم يقدم نموذجا وصورة متواضعة لبطش السلطة والامراض النفسية والاجتماعية ونموذجا لفساد السلطة والقمع والقهر الذي يعيشه الناس في ظل نظام لا يحتمل السماح للناس بالتعبير عن انفسهم". واضاف ان "الفوضى هنا هي الفوضى التي يتسبب بها النظام وليس خروج الناس عليه". ورأى الناقد الشناوي ان "الفيلم يدين القضاء كما يدين الشرطة، فوكيل النيابة الذي هو الممثل القانوني يرتكب الكثير من الاخطاء، فقد اهان القضاء حيث يفترض بممثل القانون ان يكون البطل الشعبي في هذا الفيلم ودوره القيام بحماية القانون وليس اختراقه مثل حماية ابنة تاجر المخدرات من الاعتقال رغم تلبسها في حادثة تعاطي مخدرات". واضاف "هذه الادانة اثارت الرقابة في اتجاه ما يتعلق بشخصيات الشرطة، الامر الذي استدعى عرض الفيلم على ممثلين لوزارة الداخلية قبل طرحه في الاسواق، واضطرت الجهة المنتجة الى اضافة فقرة طويلة قبل عرض الفيلم تشير الى ان حالة الفساد في الشرطة تعبر عن حالة فردية وليس عن رجال الشرطة". اما الناقد سيد محمود فاعتبر ان "الفيلم قائم على استغلال فكرة تحريضية من خلال الربط بينها وبين فساد بعض العناصر في جهاز الشرطة". واكد ان الفيلم هو "امتداد للغة التحريضية الشعبوية من دون عمق، وهذا الخط كان بدأه خالد يوسف في فيلمه الاول +العاصفة+ تبعه بفيلم +جواز بقرار جمهوري+ مع اضافة بعض سمات الشعبوية التي تستند الى مشاهد غريزية فضلا عن طابعها التحريضي". واكد ان "لا صلة بين هذا الفيلم وعالم يوسف شاهين السينمائي باستثناء نقاط تشابه يلمسها المشاهد بين شخصية بهية في فيلم +العصفور+ التي ادتها محسنة توفيق وبهية +هي فوضى+ التي تلعبها هالة فاخر". الى جانب "بعض السمات النفسية المشوهة بين شخصية قناوي في فيلم +باب الحديد+ وشخصية امين الشرطة حاتم (خالد صالح) بعد اغتصابه منة شلبي في +هي فوضى+ واختلاط مشاعر الحب بالحقد والنزوع الغرائزي". واوضح محمود ان "الاضافة الوحيدة في الفيلم هي تأكيد موهبة خالد صالح التمثيلية".

سجن 13 مسيحيا بتهمة جمع تبرعات

اعتقال 13 مسيحيا في مصر بتهمة جمع تبرعات من دون اذن
القاهرة (ا ف ب) - اعلن المحامي هاني حنا سليمان الثلاثاء ان السلطات المصرية اعتقلت 13 مسيحيا بينهم خمس نساء كانوا يجمعون تبرعات لبناء كنيسة من دون الحصول على اذن مسبق.
وقال المحامي سليمان الذي يدافع عن المعتقلين "لقد اعتقلوا الاثنين وهم متهمون بجمع تبرعات من دون اذن".
وكان الاشخاص ال13 يحاولون جمع تبرعات لاعادة بناء كنيسة في مدينة ساقولتا في جنوب مصر واثاروا شكوك السكان لسؤالهم عن مكان الكنيسة الاقرب فاتصل السكان بالشرطة بعدما تخوفوا من تهديد ارهابي قد يستهدف الكنيسة بحسب ما قال المحامي.
وسارعت قوى الشرطة الى المكان واعتقلت 13 مسيحيا هم ثمانية رجال وخمس نساء ونشرت قوات حول كنائس المنطقة.
وبعد ساعات من التحقيق معهم تأكد لقوى الشرطة ان لا علاقة للاشخاص ال13 باي عمل ارهابي محتمل الا انهم ابقوا قيد الاعتقال لقيامهم بجمع تبرعات من دون ترخيص مسبق بحسب ما قال المحامي سليمان.
ويشكل الاقباط في مصر ما بين 6 و10 بالمئة من السكان الذين يبلغون 76 مليونا وهم يشتكون من تمييز بحقهم
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Shadia

FAITH UNDER FIRE'You're not a Christian – Go to jail!'Woman sentenced for false ID papers because father briefly converted to Islam

Posted: November 24, 2007


Egyptian authorities sentenced a woman to three years in prison because her father's brief conversion to Islam 45 years ago legally made her a Muslim while her identity papers state she's a Christian.
Shadia Nagui Ibrahim, 47, was charged in Cairo with fraud even though she didn't know that according to Egyptian law, her father's conversion in 1962 made her a Muslim, the South African Press Association reported.
When his daughter was 2 years old, Nagui Ibrahim left home and converted to Islam. He reconciled with his wife three years later and re-converted to Christianity. In the process, he had someone forge his personal identity documents to say he was Christian.
Traditional Muslim practice forbids conversion from Islam, which is punishable by death.
The man who forged Nagu Ibrahim's documents was detained in 1996 for falsifying dozens of documents and confessed to changing Ibrahim's papers, SAPA reported.
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Nagu Ibrahim also was detained and informed his daughter officially was a Muslim, because children in Egypt automatically take their father's religion.
When Shadia Ibrahim married in 1982, she stated she was a Christian. Authorities prosecuted her for "providing false information on official documents," and after a lengthy trial she was sentenced in 2000, in abstentia, to three years in prison.
Egypt forbids a Muslim woman from marry a Christian man.
Her charges after the sentence were dropped, but she was detained in August this year and sentenced to three years after a brief court session, her lawyer said, according to
سجن قبطية مصرية بسبب اعتناق والدها الإسلام وارتداده عنه


قضت محكمة مصرية بسجن سيدة قبطية مدة 3 سنوات، بسبب اعتناق والدها الإسلام لفترة وجيزة قبل 45 عاما لفترة وجيزة، مما جعل منها مسلمة من الناحية القانونية، بينما تظهر أوراقها الرسمية أنها مسيحية.
وشرح محامي المحكومة ميشيل موريس الخميس 22-11-2007، أنه تم توجيه التهمية إلى شادية ناجي إبراهيم -47 عاما- لأنها قالت في عقد زواجها "إنها مسيحية"، من دون أن تدري أن اعتناق والدها الإسلام عام 1962، يحوّلها إلى مسلمة بنظر الحكومة.
وكان ناجي إبراهيم، والد شادية، غادر منزله عام 1962، حين كانت في عمر لا يتجاوز السنتين، واعتنق الإسلام، وغير اسمه إلى مصطفى، إلا أنه رجع إلى منزله بعد 3 سنوات، بعد مصالحته مع زوجته، وعاد إلى المسيحية وحصل على أوراق رسمية مزورة تثبت أنه مسيحي، وفي عام 1996 ألقي القبض على الشخص الذي زور تلك الأوراق.
واعتقلت السلطات إبراهيم وأبلغت ابنته أنه من الناحية الرسمية لا يزال والدها مسلما، ولذلك فإنها مثله مسلمة؛ لأن الأبناء يدينون بدين الأباء في مصر، ويعتبر القانون المصري زواج مسلمة من مسيحي أمرا غير شرعي.
واتهمت شادية "بتقديم معلومات مزورة لاستخدامها في أوراق رسمية"؛ لأنها قالت "إنها مسيحية في عقد زواجها المبرم عام 1982"، وبعد محاكمة طويلة حكم عليها غيابيا عام 2000 بالسجن ثلاث سنوات، إلا أنه تم إسقاط القضية.
واعتقلت مرة أخرى في أغسطس/آب من هذا العام، وحكم عليها بالسجن 3 سنوات بعد جلسة محاكمة قصيرة، حسب محاميها

Hia Fawda

Chaos’ stirs debate on the country’s political future
By Magdy Samaan
First Published: December 26, 2007

Many argue that Chahine and Youssef’s film suggests a leftist ideology as a solution.

CAIRO: Youssef Chahine and Khaled Youssef’s “Heya Fawda?” or “Is it Chaos?” has succeeded not only in breaking the record of Chahine’s box office returns, but also in stirring political discussions in Egypt.
While some opposition writers view the film as a call for revolution, government allies interpret it as a call for chaos.
The movie touches upon current political controversies in Egypt such as the corruption in the ruling regime and torture in state prisons. It begins with real footage of Kefaya’s demonstrations in the first half of 2006 in solidarity with the judges’ demonstrations, who were protesting against parliamentary elections violations in 2005, and torture practices committed inside police stations.
“The movie deals with the mass chaos that surrounds Egyptians. It concludes that if things keep following the same pattern, the country is headed to disaster,” Khaled Youssef said.
“Heya Fawda” portrays the conflict between a corrupt governing apparatus – represented in a police station – on one side, and citizens allying themselves to judicial authority on the other.
“The message behind the movie is that the alliance between Egyptian people and judges, which appears in the love between Nour and the prosecutor, is the solution to overcome corruption and liberate Egypt,” wrote Mokawma blog.
The film follows Nour, a 20-something school teacher, whose love for Sherif, a public prosecutor, stands in stark contrast to Hatem’s destructive love for her. Hatem, played by Khaled Saleh, is a low-ranking police officer, symbolizing an authoritarian and corrupt regime.
In the climax of the film, Bahia, Nour’s mother, leads a demonstration to protest Hatem’s crimes that have victimized her daughter. At the same time, Sherif tries to find evidence that incriminates Hatem.
“The movie deals with the conflict between security and justice, a relation which if destroyed, the law will stomped on by soldiers’ shoes … dismantling the society and chaos will hit everything,” Adel Hammouda, editor of Al-Fagr weekly, quoted Chahine as saying,
Others had their reservations about the film’s message of imminent chaos. Abdullah Kamal, editor of Rose Al-Youssef daily newspaper, wrote, “the clear message of the movie is that it calls for chaos as a solution, which is summarized in the scene where people are storming the police station with no regard to its legal authority or gun fire.”
“If they consider people’s [revolting] to obtain their rights and resist oppression chaos, then this is the kind of chaos we are calling for,” Youssef said.
Responding to a question on whether the movie is calling for revolution, Youssef said “revolution indeed is the solution. Third world countries including Egypt are in need of leftist regimes that are able to achieve social justice.”
“The movie as a work of art can’t play an inciting role against the regime as much as it reveals corruption,” Tarek Al-Shennawy, movie critic, told Daily News Egypt.“There is a state of congestion in the society which can lead to a revolution more dangerous than what we have seen in the movie,” the critic added.
“Unless the regime puts a peaceful and legitimate handing over of power among its priorities, the result would be far more violent that the movie anticipated.”
The movie didn’t only highlight the violations committed by the ruling party during the 2005 election, but also surveyed opportunistic Muslim Brotherhood candidates. Meanwhile, the film suggested a leftist ideology as a solution.
Islamist writer Mohamed Mamdouh questioned the reasons behind the failure of the leftists’ struggle. He calls for leftists to study the alternatives they are presenting to Arab societies, which consider religion their top priority.
He added that “leftists did not succeed as did the religious movements, which presented solutions suitable for our societies, while leftist movements presented absolute freedom, and ideas that are frowned upon by many.”

Foreign women struggle sexual harassment

Foreign women struggle with ‘obscene’ sexual harassment

By Magdy Samaan
First Published: December 16, 2007

Two women dressed in modern fashion walk in downtown Cairo. From lewd looks to inappropriate touching, experts say Egypt's growing street harassment of women is a deep-rooted and largely ignored problem.
CAIRO: Natalie is an American student who was visiting Egypt two years ago. She went back to the United States with a positive impression of Arab and Egyptian culture, which encouraged her to return to learn Arabic at the American University in Cairo (AUC).
During her second extended visit to Egypt, the positive image was gradually shattered. Almost every day, she is exposed to sexual harassment that alternates between the physical and the verbal.
The Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights (ECWR), which has launched a campaign against sexual harassment, is planning to research sexual harassment against foreigners in specific. According to Nehad Abu El Komsan, the center’s director, many foreign women have complained to ECWR that they experience an increased rate of sexual harassment. Most of them are teenage students.
Abu El Komsan said that foreign women are subject to more obscene harassment than their Egyptian counterparts.
“The strange thing is that when I ask people for help, but they would laugh and tell me ‘ma’lish’,” Natalie said.
“Going to the police to complain about harassment is useless because they either don’t do anything or torture the people involved,” she added, explaining that harassed women, including herself, don’t want to see people “tortured because of them.”
Victoria Hezo, a photojournalist and a Cairo resident, said, “When I came to Egypt five years ago things were better. Although my friends told me at the time that they were exposed to harassment, it wasn’t as bad as nowadays.
“These things used to happen to them in certain places, but now it is everywhere, even in Garden City and Downtown.”
Hezo said that sexual harassment has become a phenomenon to the extent that some of her friends are thinking of launching a campaign to combat it.
One of the ideas proposed is to arm women with water guns filled with red ink, once sprayed on harassers, it would shame him.
“I’m used to wearing modest clothes and don’t wear make-up to reduce the possibility of getting harassed,” she added. Hezo even dons a veil when she visits traditional places like the Friday Market to take photos. “But it doesn’t prevent people from harassing me,” she said.
Zoe, an American student residing in Cairo, said that despite the harassment, she feels Egypt is safer than other countries. She maintains, however, that it is almost impossible to study Arabic or learn about the Egyptian culture taking into consideration the reality of the “daily life in Egyptian streets.”
As a result of continued harassment, Abu El Komsan said that a lot of women decided to leave the country, whilst others filed complaints in police stations. The latter doesn’t always prove to be a rewarding option.
She recalls the story of a Turkish woman who went to file an official complaint to the police, only to find the soldiers at the police station harassing her.
Victoria, another foreign journalist, said that when covering protests she was sexually harassed by the central security soldiers.
“I don’t think that this issue is related to religion; society tends to be more conservative, and the percentage of veiled women increases but at the same time sexual harassment also increases.”
Abu El Komsan has noticed the same trend. “Unfortunately, the increase in harassment was accompanied with an increase in religiosity. But this religiosity is only superficial following the Wahabi school which doesn’t care much about the essence of religion,” she said.
Last May, Muslim Brotherhood members of parliament, asked the interior ministry about the increasing rate of sexual harassment.
General Ahmad Diaa Al-Din, the representative of interior ministry at the People’s Assembly, responded that Egyptian law is strict when it comes to such crimes. However, he attributed the increase in the rate of harassment to provocative content of mass media and to the internet.
Magda Adli, the director of Nadeem Center for Psychological Therapy and Rehabilitation of the Victims of Violence, attributes the phenomenon to the weakening trust between the people and the government. The state doesn’t guarantee the citizens a humane life and since many of them are unemployed, they have lost hope in ever getting married.
According to statistics, sexual assault cases in 2006 were only 54, Diaa El-Din noted, explaining that this type of crime has a special nature; the government can only interfere if official complaints are filed.
He added that according to statistics issued by the National Council of Criminal and Social Research, there are 20,000 cases of rape every year, while 60 percent of women are subject to sexual harassment.